Sorry Jungs, war nur sonne Idee:
Something has gone wrong with the internet. Even Mark Zuckerberg knows it. Testifying before Congress, the Facebook CEO ticked off a list of everything his platform has screwed up, from fake news and foreign meddling in the 2016 election to hate speech and data privacy. “We didn’t take a broad enough view of our responsibility,” he confessed. Then he added the words that everyone was waiting for: “I’m sorry.”
There have always been outsiders who criticized the tech industry — even if their concerns have been drowned out by the oohs and aahs of consumers, investors, and journalists. But today, the most dire warnings are coming from the heart of Silicon Valley itself. The man who oversaw the creation of the original iPhone believes the device he helped build is too addictive. The inventor of the World Wide Web fears his creation is being “weaponized.” Even Sean Parker, Facebook’s first president, has blasted social media as a dangerous form of psychological manipulation. “God only knows what it’s doing to our children’s brains,” he lamented recently.
To understand what went wrong — how the Silicon Valley dream of building a networked utopia turned into a globalized strip-mall casino overrun by pop-up ads and cyberbullies and Vladimir Putin — we spoke to more than a dozen architects of our digital present. If the tech industry likes to assume the trappings of a religion, complete with a quasi-messianic story of progress, the Church of Tech is now giving rise to a new sect of apostates, feverishly confessing their own sins. And the internet’s original sin, as these programmers and investors and CEOs make clear, was its business model.
To keep the internet free — while becoming richer, faster, than anyone in history — the technological elite needed something to attract billions of users to the ads they were selling. And that something, it turns out, was outrage. As Jaron Lanier, a pioneer in virtual reality, points out, anger is the emotion most effective at driving “engagement” — which also makes it, in a market for attention, the most profitable one. By creating a self-perpetuating loop of shock and recrimination, social media further polarized what had already seemed, during the Obama years, an impossibly and irredeemably polarized country.
The advertising model of the internet was different from anything that came before. Whatever you might say about broadcast advertising, it drew you into a kind of community, even if it was a community of consumers. The culture of the social-media era, by contrast, doesn’t draw you anywhere. It meets you exactly where you are, with your preferences and prejudices — at least as best as an algorithm can intuit them. “Microtargeting” is nothing more than a fancy term for social atomization — a business logic that promises community while promoting its opposite.
Why, over the past year, has Silicon Valley begun to regret the foundational elements of its own success? The obvious answer is November 8, 2016. For all that he represented a contravention of its lofty ideals, Donald Trump was elected, in no small part, by the internet itself. Twitter served as his unprecedented direct-mail-style megaphone, Google helped pro-Trump forces target users most susceptible to crass Islamophobia, the digital clubhouses of Reddit and 4chan served as breeding grounds for the alt-right, and Facebook became the weapon of choice for Russian trolls and data-scrapers like Cambridge Analytica. Instead of producing a techno-utopia, the internet suddenly seemed as much a threat to its creator class as it had previously been their herald.
What we’re left with are increasingly divided populations of resentful users, now joined in their collective outrage by Silicon Valley visionaries no longer in control of the platforms they built. The unregulated, quasi-autonomous, imperial scale of the big tech companies multiplies any rational fears about them — and also makes it harder to figure out an effective remedy. Could a subscription model reorient the internet’s incentives, valuing user experience over ad-driven outrage? Could smart regulations provide greater data security? Or should we break up these new monopolies entirely in the hope that fostering more competition would give consumers more options?
Silicon Valley, it turns out, won’t save the world. But those who built the internet have provided us with a clear and disturbing account of why everything went so wrong — how the technology they created has been used to undermine the very aspects of a free society that made that technology possible in the first place. —Max Read and David Wallace-Wells
How It Went Wrong, in 15 Steps
Start With Hippie Good Intentions …
The Silicon Valley dream was born of the counterculture. A generation of computer programmers and designers flocked to the Bay Area’s tech scene in the 1970s and ’80s, embracing new technology as a tool to transform the world for good.
Jaron Lanier: If you go back to the origins of Silicon Valley culture, there were these big, traditional companies like IBM that seemed to be impenetrable fortresses. We had to create our own world. To us, we were the underdogs, and we had to struggle.
Antonio García Martínez: I’m old enough to remember the early days of the internet. A lot of the “Save the world” stuff comes from the origins in the Valley. The hippie flower children dropped out, and Silicon Valley was this alternative to mainstream industrial life. Steve Jobs would never have gotten a job at IBM. The original internet was built by super-geeky engineers who didn’t fully understand the commercial implications of it. They could muck around, and it didn’t matter.
Ellen Pao: I think two things are at the root of the present crisis. One was the idealistic view of the internet — the idea that this is the great place to share information and connect with like-minded people. The second part was the people who started these companies were very homogeneous. You had one set of experiences, one set of views, that drove all of the platforms on the internet. So the combination of this belief that the internet was a bright, positive place and the very similar people who all shared that view ended up creating platforms that were designed and oriented around free speech.
Can Duruk: Going to work for Facebook or Google was always this extreme moral positive. You were going to Facebook not to work but to make the world more open and connected. You go to Google to index the world’s knowledge and make it available. Or you go to Uber to make transportation affordable for everyone. A lot of people really bought into those ideals.
Kate Losse: My experience at Facebook was that there was this very moralistic sense of the mission: of connecting people, connecting the world. It’s hard to argue with that. What’s wrong with connecting people? Nothing, right?
… Then mix in capitalism on steroids.
To transform the world, you first need to take it over. The planetary scale and power envisioned by Silicon Valley’s early hippies turned out to be as well suited for making money as they were for saving the world.
Lanier: We wanted everything to be free, because we were hippie socialists. But we also loved entrepreneurs, because we loved Steve Jobs. So you want to be both a socialist and a libertarian at the same time, which is absurd.
Tristan Harris: It’s less and less about the things that got many of the technologists I know into this industry in the first place, which was to create “bicycles for our mind,” as Steve Jobs used to say. It became this kind of puppet-master effect, where all of these products are puppet-mastering all these different users. That was really bad.
Lanier: We disrupted absolutely everything: politics, finance, education, media, family relationships, romantic relationships. We won — we just totally won. But having won, we have no sense of balance or modesty or graciousness. We’re still acting as if we’re in trouble and we have to defend ourselves. So we kind of turned into assholes, you know?
Rich Kyanka: Social media was supposed to be about, “Hey, Grandma. How are you?” Now it’s like, “Oh my God, did you see what she wore yesterday? What a fucking cow that bitch is.” Everything is toxic — and that has to do with the internet itself. It was founded to connect people all over the world. But now you can meet people all over the world and then murder them in virtual reality and rape their pets.
The arrival of Wall Streeters didn’t help …
Just as Facebook became the first overnight social-media success, the stock market crashed, sending money-minded investors westward toward the tech industry. Before long, a handful of companies had created a virtual monopoly on digital life.
Pao: It all goes back to Facebook. It was a success so quickly, and was so admired, that it changed the culture. It went from “I’m going to improve people’s lives” to “I’m going to build this product that everybody uses so I can make a lot of money.” Then Google went public, and all of a sudden you have these instant billionaires. No longer did you have to toil for decades. So in 2008, when the markets crashed, all those people from Wall Street who were motivated by money ended up coming out to Silicon Valley and going into tech. That’s when values shifted even more. The early, unfounded optimism about good coming out of the internet ended up getting completely distorted in the 2000s, when you had these people coming in with a different set of goals.
García: I think Silicon Valley has changed. After a while, the whole thing became more sharp-elbowed. It wasn’t hippies showing up anymore. There was a lot more of the libertarian, screw-the-government ethos, that whole idea of move fast, break things, and damn the consequences. It still flies under this marketing shell of “making the world a better place.” But under the covers, it’s this almost sociopathic scene.
Ethan Zuckerman: Over the last decade, the social-media platforms have been working to make the web almost irrelevant. Facebook would, in many ways, prefer that we didn’t have the internet. They’d prefer that we had Facebook.
García: If email were being invented now and Mark Zuckerberg had concocted it, it would be a vertically integrated, proprietary thing that nobody could build on.
… And we paid a high price for keeping it free.
To avoid charging for the internet — while becoming fabulously rich at the same time — Silicon Valley turned to digital advertising. But to sell ads that target individual users, you need to grow a big audience — and use advancing technology to gather reams of personal data that will enable you to reach them efficiently.
Kyanka: Around 2000, after the dot-com bust, people were trying as hard as they could to recoup money through ads. So they wanted more people on their platforms. They didn’t care if people were crappy. They didn’t care if the people were good. They just wanted more bodies with different IP addresses loading up ads.
Harris: There was pressure from venture capital to grow really, really quickly. There’s a graph showing how many years it took different companies to get to 100 million users. It used to take ten years, but now you can do it in six months. So if you’re competing with other start-ups for funding, it depends on your ability to grow usage very quickly. Everyone in the tech industry is in denial. We think we’re making the world more open and connected, when in fact the game is just: How do I drive lots of engagement?
Dan McComas: The incentive structure is simply growth at all costs. I can tell you that from the inside, the board never asks about revenue. They honestly don’t care, and they said as much. They’re only asking about growth. When I was at Reddit, there was never a conversation at any board meeting about the users, or things that were going on that were bad, or potential dangers.
Pao: Reddit, when I was there, was about growth at all costs.
McComas: The classic comment that would come up in every board meeting was “Why aren’t you growing faster?” We’d say, “Well, we’ve grown by 40 million visitors since the last board meeting.” And the response was “That’s slower than the internet is growing — that’s not enough. You have to grow more.” Ultimately, that’s why Ellen and I were let go.
Pao: When you look at how much money Facebook and Google and YouTube print every day, it’s all about building the user base. Building engagement was important, and they didn’t care about the nature of engagement. Or maybe they did, but in a bad way. The more people who got angry on those sites — Reddit especially — the more engagement you would get.
Harris: If you’re YouTube, you want people to register as many accounts as possible, uploading as many videos as possible, driving as many views to those videos as possible, so you can generate lots of activity that you can sell to advertisers. So whether or not the users are real human beings or Russian bots, whether or not the videos are real or conspiracy theories or disturbing content aimed at kids, you don’t really care. You’re just trying to drive engagement to the stuff and maximize all that activity. So everything stems from this engagement-based business model that incentivizes the most mindless things that harm the fabric of society.
Lanier: What started out as advertising morphed into continuous behavior modification on a mass basis, with everyone under surveillance by their devices and receiving calculated stimulus to modify them. It’s a horrible thing that was foreseen by science-fiction writers. It’s straight out of Philip K. Dick or 1984. And despite all the warnings, we just walked right into it and created mass behavior-modification regimes out of our digital networks. We did it out of this desire to be both cool socialists and cool libertarians at the same time.
Zuckerman: As soon as you’re saying “I need to put you under surveillance so I can figure out what you want and meet your needs better,” you really have to ask yourself the questions “Am I in the right business? Am I doing this the right way?”
Kyanka: It’s really sad, because you have hundreds and hundreds of bigwig, smarty-pants guys at all these analytic firms, and they’re trying to drill down into the numbers and figure out what kind of goods and products people want. But they only care about the metrics. They say, “Well, this person is really interested in AR-15s. He buys ammunition in bulk. He really likes Alex Jones. He likes surveying hotels for the best vantage points.” They look at that and they say, “Let’s serve him these ads. This is how we’re going to make our money.” And they don’t care beyond that.
Harris: We cannot afford the advertising business model. The price of free is actually too high. It is literally destroying our society, because it incentivizes automated systems that have these inherent flaws. Cambridge Analytica is the easiest way of explaining why that’s true. Because that wasn’t an abuse by a bad actor — that was the inherent platform. The problem with Facebook is Facebook.
Everything was designed to be really, really addictive.
The social-media giants became “attention merchants,” bent on hooking users no mater the consequences. “Engagement” was the euphemism for the metric, but in practice it evolved into an unprecedented machine for behavior modification.
Sandy Parakilas: One of the core things going on is that they have incentives to get people to use their service as much as they possibly can, so that has driven them to create a product that is built to be addictive. Facebook is a fundamentally addictive product that is designed to capture as much of your attention as possible without any regard for the consequences. Tech addiction has a negative impact on your health and on your children’s health. It enables bad actors to do new bad things, from electoral meddling to sex trafficking. It increases narcissism and people’s desire to be famous on Instagram. And all of those consequences ladder up to the business model of getting people to use the product as much as possible through addictive, intentional-design tactics, and then monetizing their users’ attention through advertising.
Harris: I had friends who worked at Zynga, and it was the same thing. Not how do we build games that are great for people, or that people really love, but how do we manipulate people into spending money on and creating false social obligations so your friend will plant corn on your farm? Zynga was a weed that grew through Facebook.
Losse: In a way, Zynga was too successful at this. They were making so much money that they were hacking the whole concept of Facebook as a social platform. The problem with those games is they weren’t really that social. You put money into the game, and then you took care of your fish or your farm or whatever it was. You spent a lot of time on Facebook, and people were getting addicted to it.
Guillaume Chaslot: The way AI is designed will have a huge impact on the type of content you see. For instance, if the AI favors engagement, like on Facebook and YouTube, it will incentivize divisive content, because divisive content is very efficient to keep people online. If the metric you try to optimize is likes, or the little arcs on Facebook, then the type of content people will see and share will be very different.
Roger McNamee: If you parse what Unilever said about Facebook when they threatened to pull their ads, their message was “Guys, your platform’s too good. You’re basically harming our customers. Because you’re manipulating what they think. And more importantly, you’re manipulating what they feel. You’re causing so much outrage that they become addicted to outrage.” The dopamine you get from outrage is just so addictive.
Harris: That blue Facebook icon on your home screen is really good at creating unconscious habits that people have a hard time extinguishing. People don’t see the way that their minds are being manipulated by addiction. Facebook has become the largest civilization-scale mind-control machine that the world has ever seen.
Chaslot: Tristan was one of the first people to start talking about the problem of this kind of thinking.
Harris: I warned about it at Google at the very beginning of 2013. I made that famous slide deck that spread virally throughout the company to 20,000 people. It was called “A Call to Minimize Distraction & Respect Users’ Attention.” It said the tech industry is creating the largest political actor in the world, influencing a billion people’s attention and thoughts every day, and we have a moral responsibility to steer people’s thoughts ethically. It went all the way up to Larry Page, who had three separate meetings that day where people brought it up. And to Google’s credit, I didn’t get fired. I was supported to do research on the topic for three years. But at the end of the day, what are you going to do? Knock on YouTube’s door and say, “Hey, guys, reduce the amount of time people spend on YouTube. You’re interrupting people’s sleep and making them forget the rest of their life”? You can’t do that, because that’s their business model. So nobody at Google specifically said, “We can’t do this — it would eat into our business model.” It’s just that the incentive at a place like YouTube is specifically to keep people hooked.
At first, it worked — almost too well.
None of the companies hid their plans or lied about how their money was made. But as users became deeply enmeshed in the increasingly addictive web of surveillance, the leading digital platforms became wildly popular.
Pao: There’s this idea that, “Yes, they can use this information to manipulate other people, but I’m not gonna fall for that, so I’m protected from being manipulated.” Slowly, over time, you become addicted to the interactions, so it’s hard to opt out. And they just keep taking more and more of your time and pushing more and more fake news. It becomes easy just to go about your life and assume that things are being taken care of.
McNamee: If you go back to the early days of propaganda theory, Edward Bernays had a hypothesis that to implant an idea and make it universally acceptable, you needed to have the same message appearing in every medium all the time for a really long period of time. The notion was it could only be done by a government. Then Facebook came along, and it had this ability to personalize for every single user. Instead of being a broadcast model, it was now 2.2 billion individualized channels. It was the most effective product ever created to revolve around human emotions.
García: If you pulled the plug on Facebook, there would literally be riots in the streets. So in the back of Facebook’s mind, they know that they’re stepping on people’s toes. But in the end, people are happy to have the product, so why not step on toes? This is where they just wade into the whole cesspit of human psychology. The algorithm, by default, placates you by shielding you from the things you don’t want to hear about. That, to me, is the scary part. The real problem isn’t Facebook — it’s humans.
McNamee: They’re basically trying to trigger fear and anger to get the outrage cycle going, because outrage is what makes you be more deeply engaged. You spend more time on the site and you share more stuff. Therefore, you’re going to be exposed to more ads, and that makes you more valuable. In 2008, when they put their first app on the iPhone, the whole ballgame changed. Suddenly Bernays’s dream of the universal platform reaching everybody through every medium at the same time was achieved by a single device. You marry the social triggers to personalized content on a device that most people check on their way to pee in the morning and as the last thing they do before they turn the light out at night. You literally have a persuasion engine unlike any created in history.
No one from Silicon Valley was held accountable …
No one in the government — or, for that matter, in the tech industry’s user base — seemed interested in bringing such a wealthy, dynamic sector to heel.
García: The real issue is that people don’t assign moral agency to algorithms. When shit goes sideways, you want someone to fucking shake a finger at and scream at. But Facebook just says, “Don’t look at us. Look at this pile of code.” Somehow, the human sense of justice isn’t placated.
Parakilas: In terms of design, companies like Facebook and Twitter have not prioritized features that would protect people against the most malicious cases of abuse. That’s in part because they have no liability when something goes wrong. Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act of 1996, which was originally envisioned to protect free speech, effectively shields internet companies from the actions of third parties on their platforms. It enables them to not prioritize the features they need to build to protect users.
McNamee: In 2016, I started to see things that concerned me. First it was the Bernie memes, the way they were spreading. Then there was the way Facebook was potentially conferring a significant advantage to negative campaign messages in Brexit. Then there were the Russian hacks on our own election. But when I talked to Dan Rose, Facebook’s vice-president of partnerships, he basically throws the Section 230 thing at me: “Hey, we’re a platform, not a media company.” And I’m going, “You’ve got 1.7 billion users. If the government decides you’re a media company, it doesn’t matter what you assert. You’re messing with your brand here. I’m really worried that you’re gonna kill the company, and for what?” There is no way to justify what happened here. At best, it’s extreme carelessness.
… Even as social networks became dangerous and toxic.
With companies scaling at unprecedented rates, user security took a backseat to growth and engagement. Resources went to selling ads, not protecting users from abuse.
Lanier: Every time there’s some movement like Black Lives Matter or #MeToo, you have this initial period where people feel like they’re on this magic-carpet ride. Social media is letting them reach people and organize faster than ever before. They’re thinking, Wow, Facebook and Twitter are these wonderful tools of democracy. But it turns out that the same data that creates a positive, constructive process like the Arab Spring can be used to irritate other groups. So every time you have a Black Lives Matter, social media responds by empowering neo-Nazis and racists in a way that hasn’t been seen in generations. The original good intention winds up empowering its opposite.
Parakilas: During my time at Facebook, I thought over and over again that they allocated resources in a way that implied they were almost entirely focused on growth and monetization at the expense of user protection. The way you can understand how a company thinks about what its key priorities are is by looking at where they allocate engineering resources. At Facebook, I was told repeatedly, “Oh, you know, we have to make sure that X, Y, or Z doesn’t happen.” But I had no engineers to do that, so I had to think creatively about how we could solve problems around abuse that was happening without any engineers. Whereas teams that were building features around advertising and user growth had a large number of engineers.
Chaslot: As an engineer at Google, I would see something weird and propose a solution to management. But just noticing the problem was hurting the business model. So they would say, “Okay, but is it really a problem?” They trust the structure. For instance, I saw this conspiracy theory that was spreading. It’s really large — I think the algorithm may have gone crazy. But I was told, “Don’t worry — we have the best people working on it. It should be fine.” Then they conclude that people are just stupid. They don’t want to believe that the problem might be due to the algorithm.
Parakilas: One time a developer who had access to Facebook’s data was accused of creating profiles of people without their consent, including children. But when we heard about it, we had no way of proving whether it had actually happened, because we had no visibility into the data once it left Facebook’s servers. So Facebook had policies against things like this, but it gave us no ability to see what developers were actually doing.
Kyanka: It’s important to have rules and to follow through on them. When I started my forum Something Awful, one of my first priorities was to create a very detailed, comprehensive list spelling out what is allowed and what is not allowed. The problem with Twitter is they never defined themselves. They’re trying to put up the false pretense that they’re banning the alt-right, but it’s just a metrics game. They don’t have anyone who can direct the community and communicate with the community, so they’re just revving their tires in the sand. They’re a bunch of math nerds who probably haven’t left their own business in years, so they have no idea how to actually speak to females or people with other viewpoints without going to wikiHow. They’ve got no future unless they can go to the person who is currently teaching Mark Zuckerberg how to be a human being.
McComas: Ultimately the problem Reddit has is the same as Twitter: By focusing on growth and growth only, and ignoring the problems, they amassed a large set of cultural norms on their platforms that stem from harassment or abuse or bad behavior. They have worked themselves into a position where they’re completely defensive and they can just never catch up on the problem. I don’t see any way it’s going to improve. The best they can do is figure out how to hide the bad behavior from the average user.
… And even as they invaded our privacy.
The more features Facebook and other platforms added, the more data users willingly, if unwittingly, released to them and the data brokers who power digital advertising.
Richard Stallman: What is data privacy? That means that if a company collects data about you, it should somehow protect that data. But I don’t think that’s the issue. The problem is that these companies are collecting data about you, period. We shouldn’t let them do that. The data that is collected will be abused. That’s not an absolute certainty, but it’s a practical extreme likelihood, which is enough to make collection a problem.
Kyanka: No matter where you go, especially in this country, advertisers follow. And when advertisers follow, they begin thought groups, and then think tanks, and then they begin building up these gigantic structures dedicated to stealing as much data and seeing how far they can push boundaries before somebody starts pushing back.
Losse: I’m not surprised at what’s going on now with Cambridge Analytica and the scandal over the election. For long time, the accepted idea at Facebook was: Giving developers as much data as possible to make these products is good. But to think that, you also have to not think about the data implications for users. That’s just not your priority.
Pao: Nobody wants to take responsibility for the election based on how people were able to manipulate their platform. People knew they gave Facebook permission to share their information with developers, even if the average user didn’t understand the implications. I know I didn’t understand the implications — how much that information could be used to manipulate our emotions.
Stallman: I never tell stores who I am. I never let them know. I pay cash and only cash for that reason. I don’t care whether it’s a local store or Amazon — no one has a right to keep track of what I buy.
Then came 2016.
The election of Donald Trump and the triumph of Brexit, two campaigns powered in large part by social media, demonstrated to tech insiders that connecting the world — at least via an advertising-surveillance scheme — doesn’t necessarily lead to that hippie utopia.
Lanier: A lot of the rhetoric of Silicon Valley that has a utopian ring about creating meaningful communities where everybody’s creative and people collaborate — I was one of the first authors on some of that rhetoric a long time ago. So it kind of stings for me to see it misused. I used to talk about how virtual reality could be a tool for empathy. Then I see Mark Zuckerberg talking about how VR could be a tool for empathy while being profoundly non-empathic — using VR to tour Puerto Rico after the hurricane. One has this feeling of having contributed to something that’s gone very wrong.
Kyanka: My experience with Reddit and my experience with 4chan, if you combine them together, is probably under eight minutes total. But both of them are inadvertently my fault, because I thought they were so terrible that I kicked them off of Something Awful. And then somehow they got worse.
Chaslot: I realized personally that things were going wrong in 2011, when I was working at Google. I was working on this YouTube recommendation algorithm, and I realized that the algorithm was always giving you the same type of content. For instance, if I give you a video of a cat and you watch it, the algorithm thinks, Oh, he must really like cats. That creates these feeder bubbles where people just see one type of information. But when I notified my managers at Google and proposed a solution that would give a user more control so he could get out of the feeder bubble, they realized that this type of algorithm would not be very beneficial for watch time. They didn’t want to push that, because the entire business model is based on watch time.
Harris: A lot of people feel enormously regretful about how this has turned out. I mean, who wants to be part of the system that is sending the world in really dangerous directions? I wasn’t personally responsible for it — I called out the problem early. But everybody in the industry knows we need to do things differently. That kind of conscience is weighing on everybody. The reason I’m losing sleep is I’m worried that the fabric of society will fall apart if we don’t correct these things soon enough. We’re talking about people’s lives.
McComas: I fundamentally believe that my time at Reddit made the world a worse place. That sucks. It sucks to have to say that about myself.
Employees are starting to revolt.
Tech-industry executives aren’t likely to bite the hand that feeds them. But maybe their employees — the ones who signed up for the mission as much as the money — can rise up and make a change.
García: Some Facebook employees felt uncomfortable when they went back home over Thanksgiving, after the election. They suddenly had all these hard questions from their mothers, who were saying, “What the hell? What is Facebook doing?” Suddenly they were facing flak for what they thought was a supercool job.
Harris: There’s a massive demoralizing wave that is hitting Silicon Valley. It’s getting very hard for companies to attract and retain the best engineers and talent when they realize that the automated system they’ve built is causing havoc everywhere around the world. So if Facebook loses a big chunk of its workforce because people don’t want to be part of that perverse system anymore, that is a very powerful and very immediate lever to force them to change.
Duruk: I was at Uber when all the madness was happening there, and it did affect recruiting and hiring. I don’t think these companies are going to go down because they can’t attract the right talent. But there’s going to be a measurable impact. It has become less of a moral positive now — you go to Facebook to write some code and then you go home. They’re becoming just another company.
McNamee: For three months starting in October 2016, I appealed to Mark Zuckerberg and Sheryl Sandberg directly. I did it really politely. I didn’t talk to anybody outside Facebook. I did it as a friend of the firm. I said, “Guys, I think this election manipulation has all the makings of a crisis, and I think you need to get on top of it. You need to do forensics, and you need to determine what, if any, role you played. You need to make really substantive changes to your business model and your algorithms so the people know it’s not going to happen again. If you don’t do that, and it turns out you’ve had a large impact on the election, your brand is hosed.” But if you can’t convince Mark and Sheryl, then you have to convince the employees. One approach, which has never been tested in the tech world, is what I would characterize as the Ellsberg strategy: Somebody on the inside, like Daniel Ellsberg releasing the Pentagon Papers, says, “Oh my God, something horrible is going on here,” and the resulting external pressure forces a change. That’s the only way you have a snowball’s chance in hell of triggering what would actually be required to fix things and make it work.
To fix it, we’ll need a new business model …
If the problem is in the way the Valley makes money, it’s going to have to make money a different way. Maybe by trying something radical and new — like charging users for goods and services.
Parakilas: They’re going to have to change their business model quite dramatically. They say they want to make time well spent the focus of their product, but they have no incentive to do that, nor have they created a metric by which they would measure that. But if Facebook charged a subscription instead of relying on advertising, then people would use it less and Facebook would still make money. It would be equally profitable and more beneficial to society. In fact, if you charged users a few dollars a month, you would equal the revenue Facebook gets from advertising. It’s not inconceivable that a large percentage of their user base would be willing to pay a few dollars a month.
Lanier: At the time Facebook was founded, the prevailing belief was that in the future there wouldn’t be paid people making movies and television, because armies of unpaid volunteers, organized through our networks, would make superior content, just like happened with Wikipedia. But what actually happened is when people started paying for Netflix, we got what we call Peak TV. Things got much better as a result of it being monetized to subscribers. So if we outlawed advertising and asked people to pay directly for things like Facebook, the only customer would be the user. There would no longer be third parties paying to influence you. We would also pay people who opt to provide their data, which would become a source of economic growth. In that situation, I think we would have a chance of achieving Peak Social Media. We might actually see things improve a great deal.
… And some tough regulation.
While we’re at it, where has the government been in all this?
Stallman: We need a law. Fuck them — there’s no reason we should let them exist if the price is knowing everything about us. Let them disappear. They’re not important — our human rights are important. No company is so important that its existence justifies setting up a police state. And a police state is what we’re heading toward.
Duruk: The biggest existential problem for them would be regulation. Because it’s clear that nothing else will stop these companies from using their size and their technology to just keep growing. Without regulation, we’ll basically just be complaining constantly, and not much will change.
McNamee: Three things. First, there needs to be a law against bots and trolls impersonating other people. I’m not saying no bots. I’m just saying bots have to be really clearly marked. Second, there have to be strict age limits to protect children. And third, there has to be genuine liability for platforms when their algorithms fail. If Google can’t block the obviously phony story that the kids in Parkland were actors, they need to be held accountable.
Stallman: We need a law that requires every system to be designed in a way that achieves its basic goal with the least possible collection of data. Let’s say you want to ride in a car and pay for the ride. That doesn’t fundamentally require knowing who you are. So services which do that must be required by law to give you the option of paying cash, or using some other anonymous-payment system, without being identified. They should also have ways you can call for a ride without identifying yourself, without having to use a cell phone. Companies that won’t go along with this — well, they’re welcome to go out of business. Good riddance.
Maybe nothing will change.
The scariest possibility is that nothing can be done — that the behemoths of the new internet are too rich, too powerful, and too addictive for anyone to fix.
McComas: I don’t think the existing platforms are going to change.
García: Look, I mean, advertising sucks, sure. But as the ad tech guys say, “We’re the people who pay for the internet.” It’s hard to imagine a different business model other than advertising for any consumer internet app that depends on network effects.
Pao: You have these people who have developed these wide-ranging problems, but they haven’t used their skill and their innovation and their giant teams and their huge coffers to solve them. What makes you think they’re going to change and care about these problems today?
Losse: I don’t see Facebook’s business being profoundly affected by this. It doesn’t matter what people say — they’ve come to consider the infrastructure as necessary to their lives, and they’re not leaving it.
… Unless, at the very least, some new people are in charge.
If Silicon Valley’s problems are a result of bad decision-making, it might be time to look for better decision-makers. One place to start would be outside the homogeneous group currently in power.
Losse: When I was writing speeches for Mark Zuckerberg, I spent a lot of time thinking about what the pushback would be on his vision. For me, the obvious criticism is: Why should people give up their power to this bigger force, even if it’s doing all these positive things and connecting them to their friends? That was the hardest thing for Zuckerberg to get his head around, because he has been in control of this thing for so long, from the very beginning. If you’re Mark, you’d be thinking, What do they want? I did all this. I am in control of it. But it does seem like the combined weight of the criticism is starting to wear him thin.
Pao: I’ve urged Facebook to bring in people who are not part of a homogeneous majority to their executive team, to every product team, to every strategy discussion. The people who are there now clearly don’t understand the impact of their platforms and the nature of the problem. You need people who are living the problem to clarify the extent of it and help solve it.
Losse: At some point, they’re going to have to understand the full force of the critique they’re facing and respond to it directly.
“The web that many connected to years ago is not what new users will find today. The fact that power is concentrated among so few companies has made it possible to weaponize the web at scale.” —Tim Berners-Lee, creator of the World Wide Web
“We really believed in social experiences. We really believed in protecting privacy. But we were way too idealistic. We did not think enough about the abuse cases.” —Sheryl Sandberg, chief operating officer at Facebook
“Let’s build a comprehensive database of highly personal targeting info and sell secret ads with zero public scrutiny. What could go wrong?” —Pierre Omidyar, founder of eBay
“I don’t have a kid, but I have a nephew that I put some boundaries on. There are some things that I won’t allow; I don’t want them on a social network.” —Tim Cook, CEO of Apple
“It’s a social-validation feedback loop … exactly the kind of thing that a hacker like myself would come up with, because you’re exploiting a vulnerability in human psychology. The inventors, creators — it’s me, it’s Mark [Zuckerberg], it’s Kevin Systrom on Instagram, it’s all of these people — understood this consciously. And we did it anyway.” —Sean Parker, first president of Facebook
“I wake up in cold sweats every so often thinking, What did we bring to the world?” —Tony Fadell, Known as one of the“fathers of the iPod”
“The short-term, dopamine-driven feedback loops that we have created are destroying how society works. No civil discourse, no cooperation; misinformation, mistruth. This is not about Russians’ ads. This is a global problem.” —Chamath Palihapitiya, former VP of user growth at Facebook
“The government is going to have to be involved. You do it exactly the same way you regulated the cigarette industry. Technology has addictive qualities that we have to address, and product designers are working to make those products more addictive. We need to rein that back.” —Marc Benioff, CEO of Salesforce
Things That Ruined the Internet
The original surveillance tool of the internet. Developed by programmer Lou Montulli to eliminate the need for repeated log-ins, cookies also enabled third parties like Google to track users across the web. The risk of abuse was low, Montulli thought, because only a “large, publicly visible company” would have the capacity to make use of such data. The result: digital ads that follow you wherever you go online.
The Farmville vulnerability (2007)
When Facebook opened up its social network to third-party developers, enabling them to build apps that users could share with their friends, it inadvertently opened the door a bit too wide. By tapping into user accounts, developers could download a wealth of personal data — which is exactly what a political-consulting firm called Cambridge Analytica did to 87 million Americans.
Algorithmic sorting (2006)
It’s how the internet serves up what it thinks you want — automated calculations based on dozens of hidden metrics. Facebook’s News Feed uses it every time you hit refresh, and so does YouTube. It’s highly addictive — and it keeps users walled off in their own personalized loops. “When social media is designed primarily for engagement,” tweets Guillaume Chaslot, the engineer who designed YouTube’s algorithm, “it is not surprising that it hurts democracy and free speech.”
The “like” button (2009)
Initially known as the “awesome” button, the icon was designed to unleash a wave of positivity online. But its addictive properties became so troubling that one of its creators, Leah Pearlman, has since renounced it. “Do you know that episode of Black Mirror where everyone is obsessed with likes?” she told Vice last year. “I suddenly felt terrified of becoming those people — as well as thinking I’d created that environment for everyone else.”
Developed by software developer Loren Brichter for an iPhone app, the simple gesture — scrolling downward at the top of a feed to fetch more data — has become an endless, involuntary tic. “Pull-to-refresh is addictive,” Brichter told The Guardian last year. “I regret the downsides.”
Pop-up ads (1996)
While working at an early blogging platform, Ethan Zuckerman came up with the now-ubiquitous tool for separating ads from content that advertisers might find objectionable. “I really did not mean to break the internet,” he told the podcast Reply All. “I really did not mean to bring this horrible thing into people’s lives. I really am extremely sorry about this.”
Hier im Film mal dargestellt. Ob das legal ist, müssen andere entscheiden. Quelle: motherboard.vice.com.
Over 400 of the World's Most Popular Websites Record Your Every Keystroke, Princeton Researchers Find
“Session replay scripts” can be used to log (and then playback) everything you typed or clicked on a website.
Image: Shutterstock / Composition: Louise Matsakis
Most people who’ve spent time on the internet have some understanding that many websites log their visits and keep record of what pages they’ve looked at. When you search for a pair of shoes on a retailer’s site for example, it records that you were interested in them. The next day, you see an advertisement for the same pair on Instagram or another social media site.
The idea of websites tracking users isn’t new, but research from Princeton University released last week indicates that online tracking is far more invasive than most users understand. In the first installment of a series titled “No Boundaries,” three researchers from Princeton’s Center for Information Technology Policy (CITP) explain how third-party scripts that run on many of the world’s most popular websites track your every keystroke and then send that information to a third-party server.
Some highly-trafficked sites run software that records every time you click and every word you type. If you go to a website, begin to fill out a form, and then abandon it, every letter you entered in is still recorded, according to the researchers’ findings. If you accidentally paste something into a form that was copied to your clipboard, it’s also recorded. Facebook users were outraged in 2013 when it was discovered that the social network was doing something similar with status updates—it recorded what users they typed, even if they never ended up posting it.
These scripts, or bits of code that websites run, are called “session replay” scripts. Session replay scripts are used by companies to gain insight into how their customers are using their sites and to identify confusing webpages. But the scripts don’t just aggregate general statistics, they record and are capable of playing back individual browsing sessions. The scripts don’t run on every page, but are often placed on pages where users input sensitive information, like passwords and medical conditions.
In the video below, you can see what a session replay script from the company FullStory can record:
Most troubling is that the information session replay scripts collect can’t “reasonably be expected to be kept anonymous,” according to the researchers. Some of the companies that provide this software, like FullStory, design tracking scripts that even allow website owners to link the recordings they gather to a user’s real identity. On the backend, companies can see that a user is connected to a specific email or name. FullStory did not return a request for comment.
To conduct their study, Englehardt, Gunes Acar, and Arvind Narayanan looked at seven of the most popular session replay companies including FullStory, SessionCam, Clicktale, Smartlook, UserReplay, Hotjar, and Russia’s most popular search engine Yandex. They set up test pages and installed session replay scripts on them from six of the seven companies. Their findings indicated that at least one of these company’s scripts is being used by 482 of the world’s top 50,000 sites, according to their Alexa ranking.
Prominent companies who use the scripts include men’s retailer Bonobos.com, Walgreens.com, and the financial investment firm Fidelity.com. It’s also worth noting that 482 might be a low estimate. It’s likely that the scripts don’t record every user that visits a site, the researchers told me. So when they were testing, they likely did not detect some scripts because they were not activated. You can see all the popular websites that utilize session replay scripts documented by the researchers here.
Since the Princeton researchers released their research, both Bonobos and Walgreens said they would stop using session replay scripts. “We take the protection of our customers’ data very seriously and are investigating the claims made in the study that was published yesterday. As we look into the concerns that were raised, and out of an abundance of caution, we have stopped sharing data with FullStory,” a spokesperson from Walgreens told me in an email last Thursday.
Bonobos did not return a request for comment, but the company told Wired that it “eliminated data sharing with FullStory in order to evaluate our protocols and operations with respect to their service. We are continually assessing and strengthening systems and processes in order to protect our customers’ data."
Fidelity did not say it would stop using session replay scripts. “We don’t comment on relationship (sic) we have with vendors or companies but one of our highest priorities is the protection of customer information,” a spokesperson said in a statement.
Companies that sell replay scripts do offer a number of redaction tools that allow websites to exclude sensitive content from recordings, and some even explicitly forbid the collection of user data. Still, the use of session replay scripts by so many of the world’s most popular websites has serious privacy implications.
“Collection of page content by third-party replay scripts may cause sensitive information such as medical conditions, credit card details, and other personal information displayed on a page to leak to the third-party as part of the recording,” the researchers wrote in their post.
Passwords are often accidentally included in recordings, despite that the scripts are designed to exclude them. The researchers found that other personal information was also often not redacted, or only redacted partially, at least with some of the scripts. Two of the companies, UserReplay and SessionCam, block all user inputs by default (they just track where users are clicking), which is a far safer approach.
It’s not just what users input that matters, however. When you log into a website, what’s displayed on the screen can also be sensitive. The researchers found that “none of the companies appear to provide automated redaction of displayed content by default; all displayed content ends up leaking.”
For example, the researchers tested Walgreens.com, which used to run a script from the company FullStory. Despite the fact that Walgreens does use a number of redaction features offered by FullStory, they found that information like medical conditions and prescriptions still are being collected by the session replay script, along with users’ real names.
Finally, the study’s authors are worried that session script companies could be vulnerable to targeted hacks, especially because they’re likely high-value targets. For example, many of these companies have dashboards where clients can playback the recordings they collect. But Yandex, Hotjar, and Smartlook’s dashboards run non-encrypted HTTP pages, rather than much more secure, encrypted HTTPS pages.
“This allows an active man-in-the-middle to inject a script into the playback page and extract all of the recording data,” the study authors wrote.
In an emailed statement, a spokesperson for Yandex told me the company tries to use HTTPS wherever it can, and said it is going to update its product soon to no longer use HTTP. "HTTP is used intentionally, as session recordings load websites using iframe. Unfortunately, loading http content from https websites is prohibited on the browser level so http player is required to support http websites for this feature," the statement read.
A spokesperson for SmartLook said something similar in an emailed statement: "Our product team is already aware of this and they are already working on fixing the issue."
HotJar and UserReplay did not issue a statement in time for publication. SessionCam CEO Kevin Goodings wrote in a blog post that “Everyone at SessionCam can get behind the CITP’s conclusion: ‘Improving user experience is a critical task for publishers. However, it shouldn’t come at the expense of user privacy.’ The whole team at SessionCam lives these values every day. The privacy of your website visitors and the security of your data is of paramount importance to us.” A spokesperson from Clicktale said in an email that the company "takes both customer and end-user privacy extremely seriously, using multiple layers of security and technologies to ensure that data is kept private and secure."
It’s not just session scripts that are following you around the internet. A study published earlier this year found that nearly half of the world’s 1,000 most popular websites use the same tracking software to monitor your behavior in various ways.
If you want to block session replay scripts, popular ad-blocking tool AdBlock Plus will now protect you against all of the ones documented in the Princeton study. AdBlock Plus formerly only protected against some, but has now been updated to block all as a result of the researchers’ work.
Update 11/20/17 10:30 AM: This story has been updated with comment from Yandex.
Update 11/21/17 9:33 AM: This story has been updated with comment from SmartLook.
Update 11/21/17 3:45 PM: This story has been updated with comment from Clicktale.
Got a tip? You can contact this reporter securely on Signal at +1 201-316-6981, or by email at firstname.lastname@example.org
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consultant.ru yandex.ru analytics script exists 2165 kaspersky.com clicktale.net evidence of session recording 2179 today.com hotjar.com analytics script exists 2181 emag.ro hotjar.com analytics script exists 2185 eset.com hotjar.com evidence of session recording 2193 starzplay.com yandex.ru analytics script exists 2193 starzplay.com hotjar.com analytics script exists 2199 lamoda.ru yandex.ru analytics script exists 2206 labirint.ru yandex.ru analytics script exists 2207 mamba.ru yandex.ru analytics script exists 2209 yoox.com clicktale.net evidence of session recording 2211 tass.ru yandex.ru analytics script exists 2243 skrill.com hotjar.com analytics script exists 2282 sportbox.ru yandex.ru analytics script exists 2287 news24.com hotjar.com analytics script exists 2300 futhead.com hotjar.com analytics script exists 2313 reverb.com inspectlet.com analytics script exists 2323 betfair.com hotjar.com analytics script exists 2335 blocket.se hotjar.com analytics script exists 2338 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exists 2626 riotgames.com hotjar.com analytics script exists 2647 kino-teatr.ru yandex.ru analytics script exists 2649 turbo.az yandex.ru analytics script exists 2666 studfiles.ru yandex.ru analytics script exists 2671 newsru.com yandex.ru analytics script exists 2672 zdnet.com clicktale.net analytics script exists 2688 rusvesna.su yandex.ru evidence of session recording 2713 plarium.com hotjar.com analytics script exists 2720 msu.edu hotjar.com analytics script exists 2743 cleartrip.com hotjar.com analytics script exists 2753 prensalibre.com yandex.ru analytics script exists 2754 filmitorrent.org yandex.ru analytics script exists 2759 univision.com hotjar.com analytics script exists 2762 aif.ru yandex.ru analytics script exists 2768 uloz.to yandex.ru analytics script exists 2776 dominos.com clicktale.net analytics script exists 2778 izvestia.ru yandex.ru analytics script exists 2787 kwejk.pl hotjar.com analytics script exists 2795 woocommerce.com hotjar.com analytics script exists 2811 bluestacks.com yandex.ru analytics script exists 2818 money.pl hotjar.com analytics script exists 2824 anidub.com yandex.ru analytics script exists 2849 gitlab.com hotjar.com analytics script exists 2850 encuentra24.com hotjar.com analytics script exists 2854 cint.com hotjar.com analytics script exists 2864 techrepublic.com clicktale.net analytics script exists 2867 utoronto.ca hotjar.com analytics script exists 2868 bobfilm1.net yandex.ru analytics script exists 2878 ihg.com clicktale.net evidence of session recording 2891 teespring.com hotjar.com analytics script exists 2892 konga.com hotjar.com analytics script exists 2901 sbrf.ru yandex.ru analytics script exists 2902 bartarinha.ir hotjar.com analytics script exists 2902 bartarinha.ir inspectlet.com analytics script exists 2904 sci-hub.cc yandex.ru analytics script exists 2908 hackerrank.com hotjar.com analytics script exists 2926 jcrew.com quantummetric.com analytics script exists 2929 index.hr hotjar.com analytics script exists 2931 trafficfactory.biz hotjar.com analytics script exists 2941 bbb.org mouseflow.com analytics script exists 2942 tvzvezda.ru yandex.ru analytics script exists 2945 johnlewis.com sessioncam.com analytics script exists 2954 tankionline.com yandex.ru analytics script exists 2957 liginc.co.jp mouseflow.com analytics script exists 2965 cyberforum.ru yandex.ru analytics script exists 2973 exist.ru yandex.ru analytics script exists 2975 jusbrasil.com.br hotjar.com analytics script exists 2987 ixbt.com yandex.ru analytics script exists 2988 flvto.biz yandex.ru analytics script exists 2989 onelogin.com hotjar.com analytics script exists 3015 fanatik.com.tr yandex.ru analytics script exists 3027 diary.ru yandex.ru analytics script exists 3033 bet9ja.com hotjar.com analytics script exists 3037 clicrbs.com.br hotjar.com analytics script exists 3046 cheapoair.com hotjar.com analytics script exists 3052 alaan.org hotjar.com analytics script exists 3059 vic.gov.au hotjar.com analytics script exists 3061 e1.ru yandex.ru analytics script exists 3063 megafon.ru yandex.ru analytics script exists 3064 nesaporn.com yandex.ru analytics script exists 3067 eurosport.fr yandex.ru analytics script exists 3070 ntv.com.tr yandex.ru analytics script exists 3073 kommersant.ru yandex.ru analytics script exists 3080 successfactors.com yandex.ru analytics script exists 3086 hpe.com clicktale.net evidence of session recording 3091 directadvert.ru yandex.ru analytics script exists 3091 directadvert.ru hotjar.com analytics script exists 3092 usembassy.gov hotjar.com analytics script exists 3095 demotywatory.pl clicktale.net analytics script exists 3099 kolesa.kz yandex.ru evidence of session recording 3112 rt.ru yandex.ru evidence of session recording 3112 rt.ru hotjar.com analytics script exists 3113 mudah.my hotjar.com analytics script exists 3142 russia.tv yandex.ru analytics script exists 3143 tap.az yandex.ru analytics script exists 3144 dnevnik.ru yandex.ru analytics script exists 3150 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yandex.ru analytics script exists 4828 liverpool.com.mx mouseflow.com analytics script exists 4829 digikey.com clicktale.net analytics script exists 4870 banki.ru smartlook.com analytics script exists 4870 banki.ru yandex.ru evidence of session recording 4871 currys.co.uk decibelinsight.net evidence of session recording 4875 windowsazure.com clicktale.net analytics script exists 4881 day.az yandex.ru analytics script exists 4889 jbzd.pl hotjar.com analytics script exists 4891 vivanuncios.com.mx inspectlet.com analytics script exists 4911 nnm.me yandex.ru analytics script exists 4911 nnm.me inspectlet.com analytics script exists 4918 casadellibro.com hotjar.com analytics script exists 4920 justanswer.com mouseflow.com analytics script exists 4952 milli.az yandex.ru analytics script exists 4962 tushkan.tv yandex.ru analytics script exists 4970 worldoftanks.eu yandex.ru analytics script exists 4972 futura-sciences.com hotjar.com analytics script exists 4974 hyatt.com mouseflow.com analytics script exists 5003 ceskatelevize.cz hotjar.com analytics script exists 5005 harborfreight.com mouseflow.com analytics script exists 5010 nerdwallet.com clicktale.net analytics script exists 5013 powtoon.com inspectlet.com analytics script exists 5016 topky.sk hotjar.com analytics script exists 5023 bitrix24.com yandex.ru analytics script exists 5041 moviepilot.de hotjar.com analytics script exists 5043 movavi.com yandex.ru analytics script exists 5043 movavi.com hotjar.com analytics script exists 5053 bollywoodhungama.com hotjar.com analytics script exists 5063 aeroflot.ru yandex.ru analytics script exists 5103 dreamhost.com hotjar.com analytics script exists 5111 disput.az yandex.ru analytics script exists 5127 homes.com hotjar.com analytics script exists 5132 enjoydressup.com hotjar.com analytics script exists 5145 topwar.ru yandex.ru analytics script exists 5147 myshared.ru yandex.ru analytics script exists 5152 extrastores.com hotjar.com analytics script exists 5155 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Digital Eatery, Unter den Linden 17, Donnerstag 19 Uhr im Rahmen des WordPress Meetup Berlin gibts nen Vortrag von Maja Benke über den neuen Editor für WordPress: Gutenberg. Gutenberg is more than an editor. While the editor is the focus right now, the project will ultimately impact the entire publishing experience including customization (the next focus area). The editor will create a new page- and post-building experience that makes writing rich posts effortless, and has “blocks” to make it easy what today might take shortcodes, custom HTML, or “mystery meat” embed discovery. — Matt Mullenweg One thing that sets WordPress apart from other systems is that it allows you to create as rich a post layout as you can imagine — but only if you know HTML and CSS and build your own custom theme. By thinking of the editor as a tool to let you write rich posts and create beautiful layouts, we can transform WordPress into something users love WordPress, as opposed something they pick it because it’s what everyone else uses. Gutenberg looks at the editor as more than a content field, revisiting a layout that has been largely unchanged for almost a decade.This allows us to holistically design a modern editing experience and build a foundation for things to come. Here’s why we’re looking at the whole editing screen, as opposed to just the content field: Blocks are the unifying evolution of what is now covered, in different ways, by shortcodes, embeds, widgets, post formats, custom post types, theme options, meta-boxes, and other formatting elements. They embrace the breadth of functionality WordPress is capable of, with the clarity of a consistent user experience. Imagine a custom “employee” block that a client can drag to an About page to automatically display a picture, name, and bio. A whole universe of plugins that all extend WordPress in the same way. Simplified menus and widgets. Users who can instantly understand and use WordPress — and 90% of plugins. This will allow you to easily compose beautiful posts like this example. Check out the FAQ for answers to the most common questions about the project. Posts are backwards compatible, and shortcodes will still work. We are continuously exploring how highly-tailored metaboxes can be accommodated, and are looking at solutions ranging from a plugin to disable Gutenberg to automatically detecting whether to load Gutenberg or not. While we want to make sure the new editing experience from writing to publishing is user-friendly, we’re committed to finding a good solution for highly-tailored existing sites. Gutenberg has three planned stages. The first, aimed for inclusion in WordPress 5.0, focuses on the post editing experience and the implementation of blocks. This initial phase focuses on a content-first approach. The use of blocks, as detailed above, allows you to focus on how your content will look without the distraction of other configuration options. This ultimately will help all users present their content in a way that is engaging, direct, and visual. These foundational elements will pave the way for stages two and three, planned for the next year, to go beyond the post into page templates and ultimately, full site customization. Gutenberg is a big change, and there will be ways to ensure that existing functionality (like shortcodes and meta-boxes) continue to work while allowing developers the time and paths to transition effectively. Ultimately, it will open new opportunities for plugin and theme developers to better serve users through a more engaging and visual experience that takes advantage of a toolset supported by core. Gutenberg is built by many contributors and volunteers. Please see the full list in CONTRIBUTORS.md. We’d love to hear your bug reports, feature suggestions and any other feedback! Please head over to the GitHub issues page to search for existing issues or open a new one. While we’ll try to triage issues reported here on the plugin forum, you’ll get a faster response (and reduce duplication of effort) by keeping everything centralized in the GitHub repository. We’re calling this editor project “Gutenberg” because it’s a big undertaking. We are working on it every day in GitHub, and we’d love your help building it.You’re also welcome to give feedback, the easiest is to join us in our Slack channel, See also CONTRIBUTING.md. It is by far something the worse that came out on web ever. Am suggesting Magento or Shopify platforms – they’re just a lot more reliable or pure coding which will never fail. If you can just remove it forever, would be great – otherwise, face a complete disaster. Add an option for disabling this pos! And don’t make us happy with thinks that we don’t want !!! Nope, sorry, too much complexity for almost nothing. I’m just a writer/hobbyist who blogs. I just spent hours after the update finding out that the tools I had been using with the classic editor not only no longer worked, but fubared several pages/posts of my site. Even worse, for me, one of the plugins I’ve been using and happy with, “Siteorigins Pagebuilder” pretty much requires the classic editor, and although it SAYS it’s compatible with 5.x, in reality, nopers. In order to recover, I had to remove 5 different plugins and do a reinstall of the WP 5 update with the classic plugin. (Fortunately, that resolved my major problems.) The only thing that saved even more headaches was the classic plugin. An editor should BE A CHOICE. I can use LibreOffice, or MS Office, LyX or some other solution. Having a specific editor stuffed in an upgrade…especially one that can cause a major mess…smacks of hubris or at the very least an echo chamber within the company that isn’t hearing the community. I’d expect a “wall garden” with ‘dot COM’…but ‘dot ORG’ should be wide open and all about choices. To be honest, I’ve never been a fan of classic, but add-ons such as TinyMCE Advanced made it bearable…and plugins such as page builder opened up the creative juices for making interesting stuff. I LIKE the idea of Gutenberg, but the way this was implemented…rancid. C Can’t believe any major enforced feature would be so bland and unusable. If anything is a WP killer, this would top the list. “Gutenberg” is open source software. The following people have contributed to this plugin.
The stages of Gutenberg
Contributors & Developers
Gutenberg is more than an editor. While the editor is the focus right now, the project will ultimately impact the entire publishing experience including customization (the next focus area).
The editor will create a new page- and post-building experience that makes writing rich posts effortless, and has “blocks” to make it easy what today might take shortcodes, custom HTML, or “mystery meat” embed discovery. — Matt Mullenweg
One thing that sets WordPress apart from other systems is that it allows you to create as rich a post layout as you can imagine — but only if you know HTML and CSS and build your own custom theme. By thinking of the editor as a tool to let you write rich posts and create beautiful layouts, we can transform WordPress into something users love WordPress, as opposed something they pick it because it’s what everyone else uses.
Gutenberg looks at the editor as more than a content field, revisiting a layout that has been largely unchanged for almost a decade.This allows us to holistically design a modern editing experience and build a foundation for things to come.
Here’s why we’re looking at the whole editing screen, as opposed to just the content field:
Blocks are the unifying evolution of what is now covered, in different ways, by shortcodes, embeds, widgets, post formats, custom post types, theme options, meta-boxes, and other formatting elements. They embrace the breadth of functionality WordPress is capable of, with the clarity of a consistent user experience.
Imagine a custom “employee” block that a client can drag to an About page to automatically display a picture, name, and bio. A whole universe of plugins that all extend WordPress in the same way. Simplified menus and widgets. Users who can instantly understand and use WordPress — and 90% of plugins. This will allow you to easily compose beautiful posts like this example.
Check out the FAQ for answers to the most common questions about the project.
Posts are backwards compatible, and shortcodes will still work. We are continuously exploring how highly-tailored metaboxes can be accommodated, and are looking at solutions ranging from a plugin to disable Gutenberg to automatically detecting whether to load Gutenberg or not. While we want to make sure the new editing experience from writing to publishing is user-friendly, we’re committed to finding a good solution for highly-tailored existing sites.
Gutenberg has three planned stages. The first, aimed for inclusion in WordPress 5.0, focuses on the post editing experience and the implementation of blocks. This initial phase focuses on a content-first approach. The use of blocks, as detailed above, allows you to focus on how your content will look without the distraction of other configuration options. This ultimately will help all users present their content in a way that is engaging, direct, and visual.
These foundational elements will pave the way for stages two and three, planned for the next year, to go beyond the post into page templates and ultimately, full site customization.
Gutenberg is a big change, and there will be ways to ensure that existing functionality (like shortcodes and meta-boxes) continue to work while allowing developers the time and paths to transition effectively. Ultimately, it will open new opportunities for plugin and theme developers to better serve users through a more engaging and visual experience that takes advantage of a toolset supported by core.
Gutenberg is built by many contributors and volunteers. Please see the full list in CONTRIBUTORS.md.
We’d love to hear your bug reports, feature suggestions and any other feedback! Please head over to the GitHub issues page to search for existing issues or open a new one. While we’ll try to triage issues reported here on the plugin forum, you’ll get a faster response (and reduce duplication of effort) by keeping everything centralized in the GitHub repository.
We’re calling this editor project “Gutenberg” because it’s a big undertaking. We are working on it every day in GitHub, and we’d love your help building it.You’re also welcome to give feedback, the easiest is to join us in our Slack channel,
See also CONTRIBUTING.md.
It is by far something the worse that came out on web ever. Am suggesting Magento or Shopify platforms – they’re just a lot more reliable or pure coding which will never fail. If you can just remove it forever, would be great – otherwise, face a complete disaster.
Add an option for disabling this pos!
And don’t make us happy with thinks that we don’t want !!!
Nope, sorry, too much complexity for almost nothing.
I’m just a writer/hobbyist who blogs. I just spent hours after the update finding out that the tools I had been using with the classic editor not only no longer worked, but fubared several pages/posts of my site.
Even worse, for me, one of the plugins I’ve been using and happy with, “Siteorigins Pagebuilder” pretty much requires the classic editor, and although it SAYS it’s compatible with 5.x, in reality, nopers.
In order to recover, I had to remove 5 different plugins and do a reinstall of the WP 5 update with the classic plugin. (Fortunately, that resolved my major problems.)
The only thing that saved even more headaches was the classic plugin.
An editor should BE A CHOICE. I can use LibreOffice, or MS Office, LyX or some other solution. Having a specific editor stuffed in an upgrade…especially one that can cause a major mess…smacks of hubris or at the very least an echo chamber within the company that isn’t hearing the community.
I’d expect a “wall garden” with ‘dot COM’…but ‘dot ORG’ should be wide open and all about choices.
To be honest, I’ve never been a fan of classic, but add-ons such as TinyMCE Advanced made it bearable…and plugins such as page builder opened up the creative juices for making interesting stuff.
I LIKE the idea of Gutenberg, but the way this was implemented…rancid.
Can’t believe any major enforced feature would be so bland and unusable. If anything is a WP killer, this would top the list.
“Gutenberg” is open source software. The following people have contributed to this plugin.Contributors
WASHINGTON — The campaign ad appeared during the presidential contest of 2008. Rapid-fire images of belching smokestacks and melting ice sheets were followed by a soothing narrator who praised a candidate who had stood up to President George W. Bush and “sounded the alarm on global warming.”
It was not made for a Democrat, but for Senator John McCain, who had just secured the Republican nomination.
It is difficult to reconcile the Republican Party of 2008 with the party of 2017, whose leader, President Trump, has called global warming a hoax, reversed environmental policies that Mr. McCain advocated on his run for the White House, and this past week announced that he would take the nation out of the Paris climate accord, which was to bind the globe in an effort to halt the planet’s warming.
The Republican Party’s fast journey from debating how to combat human-caused climate change to arguing that it does not exist is a story of big political money, Democratic hubris in the Obama years and a partisan chasm that grew over nine years like a crack in the Antarctic shelf, favoring extreme positions and uncompromising rhetoric over cooperation and conciliation.
“Most Republicans still do not regard climate change as a hoax,” said Whit Ayres, a Republican strategist who worked for Senator Marco Rubio’s presidential campaign. “But the entire climate change debate has now been caught up in the broader polarization of American politics.”
“In some ways,” he added, “it’s become yet another of the long list of litmus test issues that determine whether or not you’re a good Republican.”
Since Mr. McCain ran for president on climate credentials that were stronger than his opponent Barack Obama’s, the scientific evidence linking greenhouse gases from fossil fuels to the dangerous warming of the planet has grown stronger. Scientists have for the first time drawn concrete links between the planet’s warming atmosphere and changes that affect Americans’ daily lives and pocketbooks, from tidal flooding in Miami to prolonged water shortages in the Southwest to decreasing snow cover at ski resorts.
That scientific consensus was enough to pull virtually all of the major nations along. Conservative-leaning governments in Britain, France, Germany and Japan all signed on to successive climate change agreements.
How Cities and States Reacted to Trump’s Decision to Exit the Paris Climate Deal
President Trump’s decision to withdraw from the Paris climate agreement drew immediate reaction from big-city mayors, governors and Congress members.
Yet when Mr. Trump pulled the United States from the Paris accord, the Senate majority leader, the speaker of the House and every member of the elected Republican leadership were united in their praise.
Those divisions did not happen by themselves. Republican lawmakers were moved along by a campaign carefully crafted by fossil fuel industry players, most notably Charles D. and David H. Koch, the Kansas-based billionaires who run a chain of refineries (which can process 600,000 barrels of crude oil per day) as well as a subsidiary that owns or operates 4,000 miles of pipelines that move crude oil.
Government rules intended to slow climate change are “making people’s lives worse rather than better,” Charles Koch explained in a rare interview last year with Fortune, arguing that despite the costs, these efforts would make “very little difference in the future on what the temperature or the weather will be.”
Republican leadership has also been dominated by lawmakers whose constituents were genuinely threatened by policies that would raise the cost of burning fossil fuels, especially coal. Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, always sensitive to the coal fields in his state, rose through the ranks to become majority leader. Senator John Barrasso of Wyoming also climbed into leadership, then the chairmanship of the Committee on Environment and Public Works, as a champion of his coal state.
Mr. Trump has staffed his White House and cabinet with officials who have denied, or at least questioned, the existence of global warming. And he has adopted the Koch language, almost to the word. On Thursday, as Mr. Trump announced the United States’ withdrawal, he at once claimed that the Paris accord would cost the nation millions of jobs and that it would do next to nothing for the climate.
Beyond the White House, Representative Lamar Smith of Texas, chairman of the House Science Committee, held a hearing this spring aimed at debunking climate science, calling the global scientific consensus “exaggerations, personal agendas and questionable predictions.”
A small core of Republican lawmakers — most of whom are from swing districts and are at risk of losing their seats next year — are taking modest steps like introducing a nonbinding resolution in the House in March urging Congress to accept the risks presented by climate change.
But in Republican political circles, speaking out on the issue, let alone pushing climate policy, is politically dangerous. So for the most part, these moderate Republicans are biding their time, until it once again becomes safe for Republicans to talk more forcefully about climate change. The question is how long that will take.
“With 40 percent of Florida’s population at risk from sea-level rise, my state is on the front lines of climate change,” said Representative Carlos Curbelo, Republican of Florida. “South Florida residents are already beginning to feel the effects of climate change in their daily lives.”
‘The Turning Point’
It was called the “No Climate Tax” pledge, drafted by a new group called Americans for Prosperity that was funded by the Koch brothers. Its single sentence read: “I will oppose any legislation relating to climate change that includes a net increase in government revenue.” Representative Jim Jordan, Republican of Ohio, was the first member of Congress to sign it in July 2008.
The effort picked up steam the next year after the House of Representatives passed what is known as cap-and-trade legislation, a concept invented by conservative Reagan-era economists.
The idea was to create a statutory limit, or cap, on the overall amount of a certain type of pollution that could be emitted. Businesses could then buy and sell permits to pollute, choosing whether to invest more in pollution permits, or in cleaner technology that would then save them money and allow them to sell their allotted permits. The administration of the first President George Bush successfully deployed the first national cap-and-trade system in 1990 to lower emissions of the pollutants that cause acid rain. Mr. McCain pushed a cap-and-trade proposal to fight climate change.
“I thought we could get it done,” recalled Henry A. Waxman, a retired House Democrat who led the cap-and-trade push in 2009. “We just had two candidates from the Republican and Democratic parties who had run for president and agreed that climate change was a real threat.”
Conservative activists saw the legislative effort as an opportunity to transform the climate debate.
With the help of a small army of oil-industry-funded academics like Wei-Hock Soon of Harvard Smithsonian and think tanks like the Competitive Enterprise Institute, they had been working to discredit academics and government climate change scientists. The lawyer and conservative activist Chris Horner, whose legal clients have included the coal industry, gathered documents through the Freedom of Information Act to try to embarrass and further undermine the climate change research.
Myron Ebell, a senior fellow with the Competitive Enterprise Institute, worked behind the scenes to make sure Republican offices in Congress knew about Mr. Horner’s work — although at the time, many viewed Mr. Ebell skeptically, as an extremist pushing out-of-touch views.
In 2009, hackers broke into a climate research program at the University of East Anglia in England, then released the emails that conservatives said raised doubts about the validity of the research. In one email, a scientist talked of using a statistical “trick” in a chart illustrating a recent sharp warming trend. The research was ultimately validated, but damage was done.
As Congress moved toward actually passing climate change legislation, a fringe issue had become a part of the political mainstream.
“That was the turning point,” Mr. Horner said.
The House passed the cap-and-trade bill by seven votes, but it went nowhere in the Senate — Mr. Obama’s first major legislative defeat.
Unshackled by the Supreme Court’s Citizens United decision and other related rulings, which ended corporate campaign finance restrictions, Koch Industries and Americans for Prosperity started an all-fronts campaign with television advertising, social media and cross-country events aimed at electing lawmakers who would ensure that the fossil fuel industry would not have to worry about new pollution regulations.
Their first target: unseating Democratic lawmakers such as Representatives Rick Boucher and Tom Perriello of Virginia, who had voted for the House cap-and-trade bill, and replacing them with Republicans who were seen as more in step with struggling Appalachia, and who pledged never to push climate change measures.
But Americans for Prosperity also wanted to send a message to Republicans.
Until 2010, some Republicans ran ads in House and Senate races showing their support for green energy.
“After that, it disappeared from Republican ads,” said Tim Phillips, the president of Americans for Prosperity. “Part of that was the polling, and part of it was the visceral example of what happened to their colleagues who had done that.”
What happened was clear. Republicans who asserted support for climate change legislation or the seriousness of the climate threat saw their money dry up or, worse, a primary challenger arise.
“It told Republicans that we were serious,” Mr. Phillips said, “that we would spend some serious money against them.”
By the time Election Day 2010 arrived, 165 congressional members and candidates had signed Americans for Prosperity’s “No Climate Tax” pledge.
Most were victorious.
“The midterm election was a clear rejection of policies like the cap-and-trade energy taxes that threaten our still-fragile economy,” said James Valvo, then Americans for Prosperity’s government affairs director, in a statement issued the day after the November 2010 election. Eighty-three of the 92 new members of Congress had signed the pledge.
Even for congressional veterans, that message was not missed. Representative Fred Upton, a Michigan Republican who once called climate change “a serious problem” and co-sponsored a bill to promote energy-efficient light bulbs, tacked right after the 2010 elections as he battled to be chairman of the powerful House Energy and Commerce Committee against Joe Barton, a Texan who mocked human-caused climate change.
Mr. Upton deleted references to climate change from his website. “If you look, the last year was the warmest year on record, the warmest decade on record. I accept that,” he offered that fall. “I do not say that it’s man-made.”
Mr. Upton, who has received more than $2 million in campaign donations from oil and gas companies and electric utilities over the course of his career, won the chairmanship and has coasted comfortably to re-election since.
Two years later, conservative “super PACs” took aim at Senator Richard G. Lugar of Indiana, a senior Republican who publicly voiced climate concerns, backed the creation of a Midwestern cap-and-trade program and drove a Prius. After six Senate terms, Mr. Lugar lost his primary to a Tea Party challenger, Richard E. Mourdock. Although Mr. Lugar says other reasons contributed, he and his opponents say his public views on climate change played a crucial role.
“In my own campaign, there were people who felt strongly enough about my views on climate change to use it to help defeat me, and other Republicans are very sensitive to that possibility,” Mr. Lugar said in an interview. “So even if they privately believe we ought to do something about it, they’re reticent, especially with the Republican president taking the views he is now taking.”
Obama Feeds the Movement
After winning re-election in 2012, Mr. Obama understood his second-term agenda would have to rely on executive authority, not legislation that would go nowhere in the Republican-majority Congress. And climate change was the great unfinished business of his first term.
To finish it, he would deploy a rarely used provision in the Clean Air Act of 1970, which gave the Environmental Protection Agency the authority to issue regulations on carbon dioxide.
“If Congress won’t act soon to protect future generations, I will,” he declared in his 2013 State of the Union address.
The result was the Clean Power Plan, which would significantly cut planet-warming emissions by forcing the closing of hundreds of heavy-polluting coal-fired power plants.
The end run around Congress had consequences of its own. To Republican (and some Democratic) critics, the Clean Power Plan exemplified everything they opposed about Mr. Obama: He seemed to them imperious, heavy-handed, pleasing to the elites on the East and West Coasts and in the capitals of Europe, but callous to the blue-collar workers of coal and oil country.
“It fed into this notion of executive overreach,” said Heather Zichal, who advised Mr. Obama on climate policy. “I don’t think there was a good enough job on managing the narrative.”
Republicans who had supported the climate change agenda began to defect and have since stayed away.
“On the issue of climate change, I think it’s happening,” Mr. McCain said in a CNN podcast interview last April. But, he said, “The president decided, at least in the last couple years if not more, to rule by edict.”
Mr. Obama’s political opponents saw the climate rules as a ripe opportunity. “When the president went the regulatory route, it gave our side more confidence,” Mr. Phillips said. “It hardened and broadened Republican opposition to this agenda.”
Starting in early 2014, the opponents of the rule — including powerful lawyers and lobbyists representing many of America’s largest manufacturing and industrial interests — regularly gathered in a large conference room at the national headquarters of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, overlooking the White House. They drafted a long-game legal strategy to undermine Mr. Obama’s climate regulations in a coordinated campaign that brought together 28 state attorneys general and major corporations to form an argument that they expected to eventually take to the Supreme Court.
They presented it not as an environmental fight but an economic one, against a government that was trying to vastly and illegally expand its authority.
“This is the most significant wholesale regulation of energy that the United States has ever seen, by any agency,” Roger R. Martella Jr., a former E.P.A. lawyer who then represented energy companies, said at a gathering of industry advocates, making an assertion that has not been tested.
Attorneys General Step In
Republican attorneys general gathered at the Greenbrier resort in West Virginia in August 2015 for their annual summer retreat, with some special guests: four executives from Murray Energy, one of the nation’s largest coal mining companies.
Murray was struggling to avoid bankruptcy — a fate that had befallen several other coal mining companies already, given the slump in demand for their product and the rise of natural gas, solar and wind energy.
The coal industry came to discuss a new part of the campaign to reverse the country’s course on climate change. Litigation was going to be needed, the industry executives and the Republican attorneys general agreed, to block the Obama administration’s climate agenda — at least until a new president could be elected.
West Virginia’s attorney general, Patrick Morrisey, led the session, “The Dangerous Consequences of the Clean Power Plan & Other E.P.A. Rules,” which included, according to the agenda, Scott Pruitt, then the attorney general of Oklahoma; Ken Paxton, Texas’ attorney general; and Geoffrey Barnes, a corporate lawyer for Murray, which had donated $250,000 to the Republican attorneys general political group.
That same day, Mr. Morrissey would step outside the hotel to announce that he and other attorneys general would sue in federal court to try to stop the Clean Power Plan, which he called “the most far-reaching energy regulation in this nation’s history, drawn up by radical bureaucrats.”
Mr. Pruitt quickly became a national point person for industry-backed groups and a magnet for millions of dollars of campaign contributions, as the fossil fuel lobby looked for a fresh face with conservative credentials and ties to the evangelical community.
“Pruitt was instrumental — he and A.G. Morrisey,” said Thomas Pyle, a former lobbyist for Koch Industries, an adviser to Mr. Trump’s transition team and the president of a pro-fossil fuel Washington research organization, the Institute for Energy Research. “They led the charge and made it easier for other states to get involved. Some states were keeping their powder dry, but Pruitt was very out front and aggressive.”
After the litigation was filed — by Mr. Morrissey and Mr. Pruitt, along with other attorneys general who attended the Greenbrier meeting — Murray Energy sued in the federal court case as well, just as had been planned.
In February 2016, the Supreme Court indicated that it would side with opponents of the rule, moving by a 5-4 vote to grant a request by the attorneys general and corporate players to block the implementation of the Clean Power Plan while the case worked its way through the federal courts.
Trump Stokes the Fires
When Donald J. Trump decided to run for president, he did not appear to have a clear understanding of the nation’s climate change policies. Nor, at the start of his campaign, did he appear to have any specific plan to prioritize a huge legal push to roll those policies back.
An Ad Trump Signed Supporting Action on Climate Change
This ad appeared in The New York Times in December 2009, urging President Barack Obama to push a global climate change pact being negotiated in Copenhagen. Donald J. Trump and members of his family supported the ad, along with other business leaders.
Mr. Trump had, in 2012, said on Twitter, “The concept of global warming was created by and for the Chinese in order to make U.S. manufacturing non-competitive.” But he had also, in 2009, joined dozens of other business leaders to sign a full-page ad in the The New York Times urging Mr. Obama to push a global climate change pact being negotiated in Copenhagen, and to “strengthen and pass United States legislation” to tackle climate change.
However, it did not go unnoticed that coal country was giving his presidential campaign a wildly enthusiastic embrace, as miners came out in full force for Mr. Trump, stoking his populist message.
And the surest way for Mr. Trump to win cheers from coal crowds was to aim at an easy target: Mr. Obama’s climate rules. Hillary Clinton did not help her cause when she said last spring that her climate policies would “put a lot of coal miners and coal companies out of business.”
In May 2016, Mr. Trump addressed one of the largest rallies of his campaign: an estimated crowd of over 10,000 in Charleston, W.Va., where the front rows were crammed with mine workers.
“I’m thinking about miners all over the country,” he said, eliciting cheers. “We’re going to put miners back to work.”
“They didn’t used to have all these rules and regulations that make it impossible to compete,” he added. “We’re going to take it all off the table.”
Then an official from the West Virginia Coal Association handed the candidate a miner’s hat.
As he put it on, giving the miners a double thumbs-up, “The place just went nuts, and he loved it,” recalled Barry Bennett, a former adviser to Mr. Trump’s presidential campaign. “And the miners started showing up at everything. They were a beaten lot, and they saw him as a savior. So he started using the ‘save coal’ portions of the speech again and again.”
Mr. Trump’s advisers embraced the miners as emblematic of the candidate’s broader populist appeal.
“The coal miners were the perfect case for what he was talking about,” Mr. Bennett said, “the idea that for the government in Washington, it’s all right for these people to suffer for the greater good — that federal power is more important than your little lives.”
Mr. Trump took on as an informal campaign adviser Robert E. Murray — chief executive of the same coal company that had been working closely for years with the Republican attorneys general to unwind the Obama environmental legacy.
Mr. Murray, a brash and folksy populist who started working in coal mines as a teenager, is an unabashed skeptic of climate science. The coal magnate and Mr. Trump had a natural chemistry, and where Mr. Trump lacked the legal and policy background to unwind climate policy, Mr. Murray was happy to step in.
“I thank my lord, Jesus Christ, for the election of Donald Trump,” Mr. Murray said soon after his new friend won the White House.
Mr. Trump appointed Mr. Ebell, the Competitive Enterprise Institute fellow who had worked for years to undermine the legitimacy of established climate science, to head the transition team at E.P.A. Mr. Ebell immediately began pushing for an agenda of gutting the Obama climate regulations and withdrawing from the Paris Agreement.
When it came time to translate Mr. Trump’s campaign promises to coal country into policy, Mr. Murray and others helped choose the perfect candidate: Mr. Pruitt, the Oklahoma attorney general.
Mr. Trump, who had never met Mr. Pruitt before his election, offered him the job of E.P.A. administrator — putting him in a position to dismantle the environmental rules that he had long sought to fight in court.
Meanwhile, Mr. Trump wanted to be seen delivering on the promises he had made to the miners. As controversies piled up in his young administration, he sought comfort in the approval of his base.
In March, Mr. Trump signed an executive order directing Mr. Pruitt to begin unwinding the Clean Power Plan — and he did so at a large public ceremony at the E.P.A., flanked by coal miners and coal executives. Mr. Murray beamed in the audience.
Meanwhile, a battle raged at the White House over whether to withdraw the United States from the Paris agreement. Mr. Trump’s daughter Ivanka and his secretary of state, Rex W. Tillerson, urged him to remain in, cautioning that withdrawing could be devastating to the United States’ foreign policy credentials.
Murray Energy — despite its enormous clout with Mr. Trump and his top environmental official — boasts a payroll with only 6,000 employees. The coal industry nationwide is responsible for about 160,000 jobs, with just 65,000 directly in mining, according to the federal Energy Information Administration.
By comparison, General Electric alone has 104,000 employees in the United States, and Apple has 80,000. Their chief executives openly pressed Mr. Trump to stick with Paris, as did dozens of other major corporations that have continued to support regulatory efforts to combat climate change.
But these voices did not have clout in Washington, either in Congress or at the White House, when it comes to energy policy.
Mr. Trump’s senior adviser, Stephen K. Bannon, backed by Mr. Pruitt, told the president that pulling out of the deal would mean a promise kept to his base.
“It is time to put Youngstown, Ohio; Detroit, Michigan; and Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania — along with many, many other locations within our great country — before Paris, France,” Mr. Trump said in his Rose Garden speech on Thursday. “It is time to make America great again.”
The Science Gets Stronger
The recognition that human activity is influencing the climate developed slowly, but a scientific consensus can be traced to a conference in southern Austria in October 1985. Among the 100 or so attendees who gathered in the city of Villach, nestled in the mountains along the Drava River, was Bert Bolin, a Swedish meteorologist and a pioneer in using computers to model the climate.
Dr. Bolin helped steer the conference to its conclusion: “It is now believed that in the first half of the next century a rise of global mean temperature could occur which is greater than any in man’s history,” he wrote in the conference’s 500-page report.
While the politics of climate change in the United States has grown more divided since then, the scientific community has united: Global warming is having an impact, scientists say, with sea levels rising along with the extremity of weather events. Most of the debate is about the extent of those impacts — how high the seas may rise, or how intense and frequent heavy storms or heat waves may be.
In recent years, many climate scientists have also dropped their reluctance to pin significant weather events on climate change. Studies have shown that certain events — a 2015 Australian heat wave, floods in France last year and recent high temperatures in the Arctic — were made more likely because of global warming.
But in Congress, reluctance to embrace that science has had no political downsides, at least among Republicans.
“We don’t yet have an example of where someone has paid a political price being on that side of it,” said Michael Steel, who served as press secretary for the former House speaker John A. Boehner, the Republican presidential candidate Jeb Bush and the current House speaker, Paul D. Ryan, during his 2012 run as Mitt Romney’s vice-presidential choice.
Instead, the messages of Mr. Pruitt still dominate.
“This is an historic restoration of American economic independence — one that will benefit the working class, the working poor and working people of all stripes,” Mr. Pruitt said on Thursday, stepping to the Rose Garden lectern after Mr. Trump. “We owe no apologies to other nations for our environmental stewardship.”
American voters — even many Republicans — recognize that climate change is starting to affect their lives. About 70 percent think global warming is happening, and about 53 percent think it is caused by human activities, according to a recent study by the Yale Program on Climate Change Communication. About 69 percent support limiting carbon dioxide emissions from coal-fired power plants.
But most public opinion polls find that voters rank the environment last or nearly last among the issues that they vote on. And views are divided based on party affiliation. In 2001, 46 percent of Democrats said they worried “a great deal” about climate change, compared with 29 percent of Republicans, according to a Gallup tracking poll on the issue. This year, concern among Democrats has reached 66 percent. Among Republicans, it has fallen, to 18 percent.
Until people vote on the issue, Republicans will find it politically safer to question climate science and policy than to alienate moneyed groups like Americans for Prosperity.
There will be exceptions. The 2014 National Climate Assessment, a report produced by 14 federal agencies, concluded that climate change is responsible for much of the flooding now plaguing many of the Miami area’s coastal residents, soaking homes and disrupting businesses, and Representative Curbelo is talking about it.
“This is a local issue for me,” Mr. Curbelo said. “Even conservatives in my district see the impact. It’s flooding, and it’s happening now.”
Mr. Curbelo helped create the House Climate Solutions Caucus, 20 Republicans and 20 Democrats who say they are committed to tackling climate change.
Mr. Curbelo is confident that as the impact of climate change spreads, so will the willingness of his Republican colleagues to join him.
Outside of Congress, a small number of establishment conservatives, including a handful of leaders from the Reagan administration, have begun pushing Washington to act on climate change. Earlier this year, James A. Baker III, one of the Republican Party’s more eminent senior figures, met with senior White House officials to urge them to consider incorporating a carbon tax as part of a broader tax overhaul package — a way to both pay for proposed cuts to corporate tax rates and help save the planet. A Reagan White House senior economist, Art Laffer; a former secretary of state, George P. Shultz; and Henry M. Paulson Jr., George W. Bush’s final Treasury secretary, have also pushed the idea.
“There are members from deep-red districts who have approached me about figuring out how to become part of this effort,” Mr. Curbelo said. “I know we have the truth on our side. So I’m confident that we’ll win — eventually.”
Während einer Recherche sind Reportern der NDR-Magazine Panorama und Zapp umfassende Daten zum Surfverhalten von drei Millionen Deutschen übermittelt worden. Das sei nur die kostenlose Probe für ein offenbar viel umfangreicheres Datenpaket gewesen, berichten sie vor der Panorama-Sendung, in der sie ihre Rechercheergebnisse am heutigen Dienstagabend vorstellen wollen.
Demnach haben sie sich als Schein-Firma im "Big Data-Geschäft" ausgegeben, woraufhin ihnen gleich mehrere Firmen Daten zum Surfverhalten von deutschen Internetnutzern angeboten hätten. Das von ihnen ausgewertete Paket umfasste demnach mehr als zehn Milliarden Internetadressen und die darauf erfolgten Zugriffe von drei Millionen Deutschen im Monat August.
Internetnutzung verrät den Internetnutzer
Anders als bei solchen Geschäften behauptet, sind die Daten keineswegs so anonymisiert, dass sie keinen Schaden für die betroffenen Nutzer bedeuten, fassen die Journalisten zusammen. So seien die Daten sehr einfach konkreten Personen zuzuordnen gewesen und hätten intimste Details aus deren Leben verraten. Rekonstruiert haben sie etwa Details zu laufenden polizeilichen Ermittlungen oder zu sado-masochistischen Vorlieben eines Richters, aber auch die internen Umsatzzahlen eines Medienunternehmens und Internetsuchen zu Krankheiten, Prostituierten und Drogen. Zu einem Manager aus Hamburg habe man einen Link zu einem von ihm genutzen Cloud-Speicher gefunden, über den Kontoauszüge, Lohnabrechnungen, eine Kopie des Personalausweises und mehr einsehbar waren.
Die Unternehmen, die derartige Daten zum Verkauf anbieten, sammeln sie demnach beispielsweise durch Browser-Erweiterungen, die etwa Downloads verwalten oder die Sicherheit von Internetseiten prüfen sollen. Einmal installiert übermittelten sie aber im Hintergrund alle besuchten Seiten an Server, wo diese Daten gesammelt und zu Nutzerprofilen gebündelt. Die Daten würden dann etwa an die Werbeindustrie verkauft, die damit ihre Anzeigen gezielter schalten will. Dabei würde immer wieder behauptet, dass man aus den Daten keine Rückschlüsse auf Individuen ziehen könne, aber das hätten die Recherchen entkräftet. Insgesamt sei das auch juristisch heikel, aber die Anbieter agierten oft aus dem Ausland, weswegen sich Betroffene nicht wirklich wehren könnten.
Maßnahmen zum Selbstschutz
Bei ihrer Recherche haben die NDR-Reporter mit der Plattform mobilsicher.de kooperiert, die vom Bundesjustizministerium gefördert wird. Dort wurden als Begleitung zu dem Bericht Maßnahmen zusammengetragen, mit denen sich Mobilnutzer gegen derartige Ausspähungen schützen sollen. Dort werden beispielsweise Browser-Erweiterungen aufgeführt, die das Tracking unterbinden sollen. Außerdem wird erklärt, was es mit dem Tracking auf sich hat und was vor allem Google mit all dem zu tun hat. Die Sendung mit dem ganzen Bericht soll am heutigen Dienstagabend um 21:15 Uhr im NDR ausgestrahlt werden.
Das Klischee sagt den Briten ja einen gewissen Hang zur Exzentrizität nach – für die Maker jenseits des Ärmelkanals scheint sich dies auch immer wieder zu bewahrheiten. Sei es die Frühstücksmaschine à la Wallace & Gromit, der mannshohe Zauberwürfel, das fliegende Motorrad oder die Flugmaschine mit 54 Rotoren – alle diese Prachtstücke skurrilen Erfindergeistes sind Made in Great Britain.
Das jüngst fertiggestellte Projekt des Bastlers James Newman aus Cambridge braucht sich hinter all den vorgenannten Werken nicht zu verstecken – das wäre auch schwierig, denn immerhin misst das fertige Objekt rund 10 Meter in der Länge und 2 Meter in der Höhe. Deshalb trägt es den Titel Megaprocessor, denn genau darum handelt es sich: Ein 16-Bit-Mikroprozessor, komplett nachgebaut aus einzelnen Transistoren (15.300 Stück für den Prozessor und 27.000 Stück für die 256 Byte(!) RAM).
Der Bau dauerte mehrere Jahre, die Gesamtkosten betrugen nach James' Schätzung rund 40.000 britische Pfund (etwa 47.000 Euro). Das System verteilt sich auf diverse aufrecht stehende Rahmen aus Aluminium-Profilen; die Platinen darin sind mit jenen der anderen Rahmen durch viele Flachbandkabel verbunden. Für den Speicher gibt es eine Visualisierung durch eine LED-Matrix in Türgröße, auf der sich durchaus auch eine Partie Tetris spielen lässt. Im Betrieb nimmt der Megaprocessor rund 500 Watt Leistung auf.
Auf der ausführlichen Webseite zum Projekt gibt es unter anderem ein ZIP-Archiv zum Download, das einen Simulator für den Megaprocessor samt Beispielprogrammen enthält.
Vergrößern zwecks Einsicht
Bleibt die Frage: Warum tut man sowas? James Newman gibt auf seiner Webseite eine kurze und eine lange Antwort. Die kurze – "weil ich will" – passt wieder splendid ins Briten-Klischee (siehe oben).
Die lange lautet sinngemäß: In moderne, hoch integrierte Computer kann man nicht hineinschauen und man kann sich auch nicht selbst so sehr verkleinern, dass man die Vorgänge im Inneren sehen könnte. Deshalb ist der Tüftler den umgekehrten Weg gegangen und hat statt dessen den Mikroprozessor vergrößert. Außerdem lässt sich der Takt des Systems von rund 20 kHz bei Bedarf so stark drosseln, dass man dem Prozessor buchstäblich Zyklus für Zyklus beim Arbeiten zusehen kann.
Ähnliche Motive trieben auch Eric Schlaepfer und Windell Oskay beim Bau ihres MOnSter 6502 an, jedoch bringt es ihr 7000-fach vergrößerter Nachbau des klassischen Home-Computer-Chips nur auf eine vergleichsweise bescheidene Fläche von 30 cm × 40 cm. Der Rekord für den größten lauffähigen Mikroprozessor der Welt dürfte aktuell wieder nach Großbritannien gehen. Wer sich für dessen technische Details interessiert, findet auf YouTube eine ganze Reihe an Videos, in denen James Newman den Megaprocessor erklärt: